It’s a question frequently asked, particularly by those outside of the American evangelical sphere: Why do Christians support Donald Trump? A simplistic answer often points to a political alignment, but the reality is far more nuanced and deeply rooted in the history and diverse landscape of American evangelicalism. To understand this phenomenon, we need to move beyond sound bites and delve into the multifaceted motivations and identities within this significant voting bloc.
To provide a concise initial response, the alignment between many white evangelicals and the Republican party, and subsequently Donald Trump, can be traced back to 1980. Ronald Reagan, addressing a large gathering of evangelicals, famously declared his endorsement of them, even while acknowledging the limitations of direct endorsements. This moment signaled a powerful political alliance, with white evangelicals largely voting Republican ever since, driven by the hope of enacting their religious and social agenda.
However, this political strategy often led to disappointment. Decades later, despite consistent Republican support, key evangelical priorities remained unfulfilled. By 2016, when Donald Trump secured the presidency, issues such as abortion rights, same-sex marriage, deregulation, and the location of the US embassy in Israel persisted. Trump, unlike previous politicians, explicitly promised to address these concerns.
Despite his well-documented personal failings, a significant segment of evangelicals chose to believe in Trump. They pointed to his selection of a conservative Christian running mate, Mike Pence, and his business background as evidence of his ability to deliver on promises. Drawing upon theological justifications, many reasoned that God often utilizes imperfect individuals to achieve greater purposes. They cited biblical figures like King David, who despite serious sins, was still instrumental in God’s plan. This line of reasoning suggests a pragmatic, realpolitik calculation driving many white evangelicals towards the Trump-Pence ticket.
A meeting between Donald Trump and members of his Evangelical Advisory Board, illustrating the visible connection between Trump and some evangelical leaders.
Beyond political expediency, deeper currents of economic insecurity, cultural anxieties, and a feeling of social marginalization, particularly felt during the Obama administration, fueled this support. For many, a vote for Trump was a vote for the affirmation of their social and cultural status, a sense of recognition that they felt was being eroded.
However, it is crucial to understand that the narrative of monolithic evangelical support for Trump is misleading. This is where the shorter answer becomes insufficient. Millions of evangelicals did not vote for Trump, most notably evangelicals of color. The evangelical world is far more diverse and complex than often portrayed in mainstream media, which often focuses on a few prominent white conservative leaders.
To better understand this complexity, scholars at the University of Southern California’s Center for Religion and Civic Culture developed a typology of American evangelicalism. This framework, resulting from discussions among evangelical, former evangelical, and non-evangelical scholars from diverse backgrounds, aims to provide a more nuanced understanding of this diverse religious landscape. This research led to the creation of a guide, “The Varieties of American Evangelicalism: Trump-vangelicals,” which categorizes evangelicals into five distinct groups.
This typology utilizes three key criteria to differentiate these groups: a shared foundational evangelical theology, a self-identification within the broader American evangelical tradition, and the way their theology shapes their engagement with the world, including their social and political actions and attitudes towards those outside their faith. These categories are:
Trump-vangelicals
This group represents the most visible continuation of the Religious Right’s agenda, aiming to establish America as a Christian nation. While predominantly white, this category also includes some Latino, Asian, and African-American individuals. Their concerns extend beyond electoral politics, with many believing their actions are part of preparing for the Second Coming of Christ. They are connected through various media and educational networks, including outlets like Fox News, and look to figures such as James Dobson, John Hagee, and Franklin Graham for leadership.
Franklin Graham, a prominent leader often associated with the Trump-vangelical segment, speaking at a rally.
Neo-Fundamentalist Evangelicals
Sharing a similar worldview with Trump-vangelicals, this group distinguishes itself by expressing moral and theological reservations about Donald Trump personally. Despite these reservations, they appreciate Trump’s actions in advancing their agenda. Many in this category ultimately voted for Trump, albeit sometimes reluctantly. Unlike Trump-vangelicals, neo-fundamentalists prioritize theological purity in their political engagement, seeking to be guided solely by Christian teachings. Notable figures include Russell Moore, formerly of the Southern Baptist Convention, and Tony Evans of Oak Cliff Bible Fellowship in Dallas.
iVangelicals
Representing the largest segment of American evangelicals, iVangelicals are primarily associated with megachurches. While predominantly white, this group also encompasses significant Latino, Asian, and African-American representation. Although generally socially conservative, their primary focus is on church life rather than direct political action. They believe that societal change is best achieved through individual conversion, emphasizing personal salvation as a prerequisite for broader political transformation. Leaders like Joel Osteen of Lakewood Church in Houston, T.D. Jakes of the Potter’s House Church in Dallas, and the leadership of Hillsong exemplify this group.
Joel Osteen, a key figure in the iVangelical movement, ministering at Lakewood Church.
Kingdom Christians
This category is the most racially and ethnically diverse among the evangelical groups. Kingdom Christian churches are typically urban and locally focused, with members actively involved in community-based initiatives aimed at alleviating human suffering. Due to their local orientation, they often lack nationally recognized leaders, focusing instead on grassroots impact.
Peace and Justice Evangelicals
A smaller but growing movement, Peace and Justice Evangelicals are characterized by a mix of older leaders, predominantly white men, and younger, more diverse adherents. While holding pro-life views for many, they diverge from other evangelical groups by prioritizing issues such as racial justice, gender equality, immigration reform, and environmental stewardship, often referred to as “creation care.” This group is connected through media, non-profit organizations, and some evangelical academic institutions. Key figures include older leaders like Tony Campolo and Jim Wallis, and newer voices such as Alexia Salvatierra of Fuller Seminary and David Gushee of Mercer University.
Shane Claiborne, a prominent voice within Peace and Justice Evangelicals, advocating for social justice.
Therefore, the next time you encounter the question of why evangelicals support Trump, a more informed and accurate approach is to first ask: “Which evangelicals are we talking about?” Understanding the diverse landscape within American evangelicalism is essential for grasping the complex relationship between religion and politics in the United States, moving beyond simplistic headlines to a more nuanced and insightful understanding. This deeper inquiry reveals a far more interesting and multifaceted reality than initial assumptions might suggest.
This article is based on research originally published by Religion News Service and the USC Center for Religion and Civic Culture.
Read more about: Diane Winston, Evangelicalism
