Why Did the USSR Attack Afghanistan? Unpacking the Cold War Invasion

Why Did the USSR Attack Afghanistan? Unpacking the Cold War Invasion

In late December 1979, the world witnessed a significant escalation of the Cold War as the Soviet Union launched a full-scale military invasion of Afghanistan. Thousands of Soviet troops swiftly entered the country, seizing control of Kabul and key strategic areas. This marked the beginning of a brutal, decade-long conflict, often referred to as the Soviet-Afghan War, as Moscow sought to quell a burgeoning Afghan civil war and establish a stable, socialist-aligned government along its southern border. This decisive action was a watershed moment in the Cold War, representing the only instance of Soviet military intervention outside of the Eastern Bloc and triggering widespread international condemnation. While labeled an “invasion,” the events can also be viewed as the culmination of a gradual increase in Soviet influence and control in Afghanistan dating back to 1973. The Kremlin’s leadership undoubtedly believed a swift and decisive military operation would solidify Afghanistan within the Soviet sphere of influence, reinforcing the Brezhnev Doctrine, which asserted that once a nation embraced socialism, the USSR would never permit its return to capitalism. The United States and its Western allies, guided by their policy of containment, reacted strongly to the Soviet incursion, implementing various measures aimed at compelling a Soviet withdrawal.

Soviet combat vehicles move through Afghanistan, signaling the start of the Soviet-Afghan War in December 1979. (Department of Defense)

To understand the Soviet invasion, it’s crucial to examine the events leading up to 1979. The seeds of Soviet influence were sown in the summer of 1973 when Mohammed Daoud Khan, the former Prime Minister of Afghanistan, orchestrated a coup d’état against King Zahir Shah. While Daoud was primarily a nationalist rather than a socialist, his ascent to power was heavily reliant on pro-Soviet factions within the Afghan military and political landscape. Since 1955, the Soviet Union had been a key provider of military training and equipment to Afghanistan, and by 1973, a significant portion of the Afghan army had received training on Soviet soil. Furthermore, Daoud enjoyed the backing of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a political entity founded in 1965 based on Marxist-Leninist ideology and closely aligned with Moscow.

However, the PDPA itself was fractured. By 1967, it had splintered into two main factions: Parcham, led by Babrak Karmal (who initially supported Daoud), and Khalq, headed by Noor Muhammad Taraki. For the subsequent five years, Daoud faced the immense challenge of governing Afghanistan’s diverse and often resistant Islamic tribal regions while simultaneously attempting to manage the deep divisions within the PDPA. The more radical Khalq faction never fully accepted Daoud’s leadership, while Karmal and the Parchamites largely viewed the coup as an opportunity to advance their own political ambitions. In response to these internal pressures, Daoud sought to distance Afghanistan from Soviet dominance and improve relations with the United States, aiming to diminish the influence of radical elements within his government and the military.

Daoud’s attempt to navigate a neutral path ultimately ended in violence. On April 28, 1978, military personnel aligned with Taraki’s Khalq faction launched an assault on the presidential palace, resulting in the execution of Daoud and his family. In the aftermath of this coup, known as the Saur Revolution, Taraki assumed the position of Prime Minister. In a move ostensibly designed to unify the fractured PDPA, Karmal was appointed Deputy Prime Minister. The communist takeover in Kabul sent alarm bells ringing in Washington D.C. The Carter administration recognized that Taraki’s regime would reverse Daoud’s efforts to reduce Soviet influence in Afghanistan. A debate ensued within the US government regarding whether to sever ties with Afghanistan or to recognize the Taraki government in the hope of mitigating Soviet control. Despite National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski’s advocacy for disengagement, President Carter ultimately sided with the State Department’s recommendation for recognition. Shortly after the revolution, the US formally recognized the new Afghan government and appointed Adolph Dubs as the US Ambassador to Afghanistan. Until his tragic kidnapping and death at the hands of Afghan Shia militants in February 1979, Ambassador Dubs actively pursued amicable relations with the Taraki regime, hoping that US engagement could serve as a counterweight to Soviet influence.

However, internal Afghan political instability continued to complicate both US and Soviet strategies. By the summer of 1979, Hafizullah Amin, a long-time associate of Taraki who had become Deputy Prime Minister after the April Revolution, received intelligence suggesting that Babrak Karmal (Daoud’s former supporter) was orchestrating a Parcham-led plot to overthrow the Taraki government. Amin seized this opportunity to consolidate his power, initiating a brutal purge that resulted in the imprisonment and execution of numerous Parchamites. Adding to the chaos, this internal conflict severely hampered the Kabul government’s central program: extending the communist revolution into the deeply traditional Islamic tribal regions beyond Kabul. By the winter of 1978, this program had ignited widespread armed resistance across the country.

Faced with mounting insurgency, Taraki and Amin traveled to Moscow to sign a treaty of friendship, which included a provision for direct Soviet military assistance should the Islamic rebellion threaten the regime’s stability. The insurgency intensified throughout 1979, making it increasingly clear to the Soviet leadership that Taraki was losing control and unable to prevent a descent into full-scale civil war, potentially leading to a hostile Islamic government taking power on their border. By mid-1979, Moscow began exploring options to replace both Taraki and Amin and deployed combat troops to Bagram Air Base outside of Kabul. This Soviet military buildup prompted the Carter administration to initiate a program of covert, non-lethal aid to the Afghan mujahedeen, or Islamic insurgents.

In August 1979, a high-level Soviet military delegation arrived in Kabul to assess the deteriorating situation firsthand. US intelligence analysts interpreted this mission as both a last-ditch effort to bolster the faltering Taraki regime and a potential precursor to a direct military intervention. While the possibility of a full-scale Soviet takeover was considered, most analysts in Washington remained skeptical, believing the political and economic costs would deter Moscow from such a drastic action.

This assessment, however, proved to be inaccurate. Amin, sensing that the Soviet mission was designed to strengthen Taraki at his expense, preemptively moved against his rival. In October 1979, forces loyal to Amin assassinated Taraki – an act that enraged Moscow and triggered a significant escalation of Soviet military preparations along the Afghan border. At this critical juncture, Washington remained uncertain about Soviet intentions. Was the USSR preparing for a full-scale occupation, or were these maneuvers simply intended to stabilize the April Revolution and prevent its collapse? Analysts continued to doubt that Moscow would risk occupying Afghanistan, still underestimating the Kremlin’s resolve.

By the winter of 1979, the Afghan Army, plagued by internal mutinies and a crisis of leadership, was demonstrably incapable of providing basic security to the government against the increasingly emboldened Islamic fighters closing in on Kabul. In response to this escalating crisis, the Soviets began deploying motorized rifle divisions and Spetsnaz special forces into Afghanistan. Washington demanded an explanation for these deployments, but the Soviet Union remained unresponsive. Finally, on Christmas Eve 1979, the invasion commenced. Soviet forces stormed Afghanistan, assassinated Amin, and installed Babrak Karmal – the more Moscow-friendly Parcham leader – as the puppet head of the Soviet-backed government.

Despite the Carter administration’s close monitoring of the Soviet military buildup, its reaction to the invasion revealed a critical miscalculation. Until the very last moment, Washington clung to the hope that the Soviets would not invade, operating under the flawed assumption that Moscow would conclude the costs of invasion outweighed any potential benefits. In the immediate aftermath of the invasion, President Carter issued a strongly worded letter to Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev condemning Soviet aggression. In his 1980 State of the Union address, Carter articulated the Carter Doctrine, declaring that the US would use military force if necessary to defend its national interests in the Persian Gulf, implicitly aimed at deterring further Soviet expansion in the region and protecting vital Middle Eastern oil supplies. The Carter administration also implemented a range of punitive measures, including economic sanctions and trade embargoes against the Soviet Union, called for a US-led boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics, and significantly increased covert support for the Afghan insurgents. These actions collectively represented Washington’s attempt to make the Soviet “adventure” in Afghanistan as costly and short-lived as possible.

However, the Soviet-Afghan War dragged on for a decade, becoming a quagmire that significantly contributed to the eventual collapse of the Soviet Union. The conflict resulted in millions of casualties and cost billions of dollars. When Soviet forces finally withdrew in 1989, they left behind a devastated Afghanistan, which descended into further civil war. Ultimately, the power vacuum created by the Soviet withdrawal and the subsequent civil strife allowed the Taliban, a radical Islamic fundamentalist group, to seize control of Afghanistan. This development had far-reaching consequences, as the Taliban regime later provided Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda with a safe haven and training ground from which to plan and launch terrorist operations across the globe, including the devastating attacks of September 11, 2001. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, therefore, was not just a Cold War miscalculation; it was an event with profound and lasting global repercussions that continue to shape the world today.

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